The Dulce Report: Investigating Alleged
Human Rights Abuses at a Joint US Government-Extraterrestrial Base
at Dulce, New Mexico
Dr Paul
Bennewitz is an electronics specialist who in the late 1979 began
to film, photograph, and electronically intercept what appeared
to be extensive UFO/ET activity and communications over the Manzano
mountain range near Albuquerque, New Mexico. He traced this UFO/ET
activity to the vicinity of the Archuletta Mesa on Jicarilla Apache
Reservation land near the town of Dulce. Bennewitz had earlier researched
cattle mutilations in the region and civilians who claimed to have
been abducted by extraterrestrials. Based on his film, photographic
and electronic evidence, and his field research Bennewitz concluded
that an underground extraterrestrial (ET) base existed near Dulce
that played a role in both cattle mutilations and abduction of civilians.
In 1980, Bennewitz submitted his evidence to the nearby Kirtland
Air Force base to alert officials to the possibility that ET races
were a threat to the nearby Manzano Nuclear Weapons Storage Area.
The Air Force Office of Special Intelligence (AFOSI) quickly became
involved in investigating Bennewitz’s evidence, and this eventually
led to what credible sources conclude was a disinformation campaign
to discredit Bennewitz. Bennewitz’s subsequent electronic evidence
and field research alleging extensive human rights abuses were occurring
at the Dulce underground base became associated with the AFOSI disinformation
campaign. Most UFO researchers concluded, after Bennewitz had suffered
a nervous breakdown in 1987 and the AFOSI disinformation campaign
became public knowledge, that Bennewitz had been too influenced
by disinformation to be taken seriously.
The
strongest support for Bennewitz’s claims are a number of individuals
claiming to be ‘whistleblowers’ who in their capacity as former
employees of corporations performing a variety military contracts
worked at or learned of the Dulce base, and subsequently revealed
aspects of what had occurred there. A recurring feature of these
whistleblower statements is testimony of a violent conflict in 1979
between US military personnel and ETs at the base that led to a
significant number of military fatalities. This seemed to confirm
Bennewitz’s claim of such a military conflict, and raises the possibility
that the conflict’s cause was related to his allegations of human
rights abuses. Furthermore, Bennewitz’s evidence provided an example
of how money illegally siphoned from the US economy into ‘black
budget’ programs related to an ET presence, estimated to be as high
as 1.1 trillion dollars annually, was being used. [2]
Was
Bennewitz just an overzealous UFO researcher that accidentally tapped
into highly classified Air Force research and development projects,
or was he an electronics genius who single handedly uncovered the
existence of a joint US government-ET underground base where ET’s
conducted gross human rights violations on abducted civilians? Seeking
clear answers to these questions have spurred a number of books,
articles, and internet websites. [3] The quality of answers has varied greatly since
all who have written on Dulce have mixed primary source materials
with secondary sources that cross-reference one another without
confirming the validity and origins of sources. This has led to
much confusion and uncertainty for those seeking clear answers to
what was occurring under the ground at Dulce since most of the available
Dulce material takes the form of hearsay and speculation. A more
scholarly effort of analyzing the primary source material available
on Dulce is needed to help answer key questions about the alleged
base at Dulce, and the human rights violations that were reported
to be occurring there by ETs with US government complicity. This
report is an effort to fulfill the need for a scholarly analysis
of the primary source material on what has occurred, and may be
still occurring, at Dulce and elsewhere in the US and around the
planet.
In this
report, I begin by investigating Bennewitz’s claims regarding massive
human rights abuses by ETs at an underground base at Dulce, and
his belief that this was a joint US government/ET base that was
the site of a significant violent confrontation between military
forces and resident ETs in 1979. I begin my analysis of whistleblower
testimonies that support Bennewitz’s claims by reviewing federal
and state whistleblower protection laws, and how National Security
statutes eliminate this protection for whistleblowers that disclose
classified information such as secret underground military installations.
I then review various whistleblower testimonies that involved the
disclosure of information about the existence of an underground
base at Dulce used by ETs. I subsequently explore whether the evidence
for the alleged human rights abuses and a military conflict having
occurred at Dulce are persuasive. I then examine criticisms raised
against the Dulce underground base hypothesis. Using further whistleblower
testimony, I further examine how a secret base at Dulce and other
government facilities are funded without US Congressional and Executive
Office oversight. Finally, I make recommendations on how to address
the alleged human rights abuses identified in this report, and the
political implications of the purported joint government-ET underground
base at Dulce.
Paul
Bennewitz and Evidence of a Joint Government-Extraterrestrial Base
at Dulce
In the
mid 1970’s, a wave of cattle mutilations began occurring in New
Mexico and Dr Paul Bennewitz, a local Albuquerque businessman and
electronics specialist, became keenly interested in the phenomenon. [4] In 1979, he did some field trips with Gabe Valdez,
a well known New Mexico State Trooper to investigate some of these
mutilations, and they concluded that the mutilations were not caused
by anything ‘natural’. Bennewitz soon began noticing an unusual
amount of UFO activity in the Northern New Mexico area. Using his
film and photographic equipment, he began accumulating evidence
of what appeared to be UFO’s. [5] He then began intercepting radio and video transmissions
that he believed were used by the UFOs and involved different ET
races. He traced these transmissions to a base located under the
Archuletta Mesa, near Dulce. Bennewitz believed he had identified
the radio and video frequencies used for communications between
the ET piloted ships and ground controllers at the underground Dulce
base. Bennewitz then created a communication system that he believed
enabled him to electronically communicate with what he now was convinced
were ET piloted ships flying to and from the base. Furthermore,
Bennewitz began to track the electronic frequencies ETs used to
control individuals who had been abducted and implanted with miniature
electronic devices. Bennewitz tracked down some of these individuals
and conducted interviews on what they could remember of their ET
encounters. Bennewitz eventually issued a report, Project Beta,
in which he summarized the evidence of his filming, photographing,
electronic interception, communications and fieldwork:
1. Two years continuous recorded electronic surveillance and tracking with d.F. 24 hr/day data of alien ships plus 6,000 feet motion picture of same.
2. Detection and disassembly of alien communication and video channels - both.
3. Constant reception of video from alien ship and underground base view-screen; typical alien, humanoid and at times apparent homo sapien.
4. A case history of an encounter victim in New Mexico which lead to the communications link and discovery that apparently all encounter victims have deliberate alien implants along with obvious accompanying scars. The victims cat scan. Five other cases were verified.
5. Established constant direct communication with the alien using a computer and a form of hex decimal code communication was instigated apparently.
6. Through the alien communication loop, the true underground base location. [6]
All
of the evidence he gathered pointed to the existence of an underground
base at Dulce used by different ET races. The communications, video
images, and the abductee testimonies he found, provided further
information that Bennewitz used in understanding what was occurring
at the base and its national security implications.
One
of the abductees Bennewitz found was Myrna Hansen whom he had arranged
to be placed under hypnotic regression by Dr Leo Sprinkle from the
University of Wyoming. [7] Under hypnosis she claimed to have been abducted
in 1980 along with her son and taken inside the Dulce base. She
proceeded to describe humans placed in cold storage, and large vats
filled with the remains of cattle and human body parts. [8] These were the most controversial aspects of
Bennewitz’s activities but combined with his electronic interceptions,
video recordings and communications he became convinced that they
fit an overall pattern of ET deception, responsibility for cattle
mutilations and massive human rights violations of abducted civilians. [9]
Bennewitz’s
electronic interceptions and interviews led to him quickly learning
much about the activities at the Dulce underground base, the extensive
ET presence there and the sizable number of civilians abducted and
forcibly taken to the base. His electronic intercepts and communications
provided him some basic information that a military conflict had
occurred at the Dulce base between ET races and US military personnel. [10] Bennewitz subsequently reported his findings
to the Air Force Office of Special Intelligence (AFOSI) at the nearby
Kirtland Air force in October 1980 believing the ETs presented a
threat to the nearby Manzano Nuclear Weapons Storage Area. In an
official report signed by Major Thomas Cseh on October 28, 1980
and later released under the Freedom of Information Act, Major Cseh
wrote:
On 26 Oct 80, SA [Special Agent] Doty, with the assistance of JERRY MILLER, GS-15, Chief, Scientific Advisor for Air Force Test and Evaluation Center, KAFB, interviewed Dr. Bennewitz at his home in the Four Hills section of Albuquerque, which is adjacent to the northern boundary of Manzano Base.… Dr. Bennewitz has been conducting independent research into Aerial Phenomena for the last 15 months. Dr. Bennewitz also produced several electronic recording tapes, allegedly showing high periods of electrical magnetism being emitted from Manzano/Coyote Canyon area. Dr. Bennewitz also produced several photographs of flying objects taken over the general Albuquerque area. He has several pieces of electronic surveillance equipment pointed at Manzano and is attempting to record high frequency electrical beam pulses. Dr. Bennewitz claims these Aerial Objects produce these pulses. ...After analyzing the data collected by Dr. Bennewitz, Mr MILLER related the evidence clearly shows that some type of unidentified aerial objects were caught on film; however, no conclusions could be made whether these objects pose a threat to Manzano/Coyote Canyon areas. [11]
When
AFOSI took no action, Bennewitz approached the then New Mexico Senator,
Harrison Schmitt, who demanded to know why Bennewitz’s claims were
not being investigated. Frustrated by the lack of official support
for his discoveries, Bennewitz issued a detailed report titled Project
Beta and continued to accumulate data on ET operations in the area. [12]
Based
on his intercepted electronic communications, Bennewitz revealed
in his Project Beta report the following about the size of the base
and the ET population:
The total alien basing area apparently contains several cultures, (all under the designation 'unity') and is approx 3km wide by 8km long and is located in the middle of nowhere on the Jicarilla Indian Reservation west of Dulce, NM. Based on the number of ships presently in this area, the total alien population is estimated to be at least 2,000 and most likely more. [13]
Bennewitz’s
work had attracted much attention and soon led to a covert effort
by AFOSI to discredit him. In a 1989 Mutual UFO Network conference,
a prominent UFO specialist, William Moore, caused an uproar when
he openly declared that in 1982 he had been co-opted into this effort,
and began passing on information about Bennewitz’s activities to
AFOSI and played a role in feeding disinformation to Bennewitz.
Moore described the events as follows:
… when I first ran into the disinformation operation... being run on Bennewitz... it seemed to me... I was in a rather unique position. There I was with my foot... in the door of a secret counterintelligence game that gave every appearance of being somehow directly connected to a high-level government UFO project, and, judging by the positions of the people I knew to be directly involved with it, definitely had something to do with national security! There was no way I was going to allow the opportunity to pass me by without learning at least something about what was going on. I would play the disinformation game, get my hands dirty just often enough to lead those directing the process into believing that I was doing exactly what they wanted me to do, and all the while continue to burrow my way into the matrix so as to learn as much as possible about who was directing it and why. [14]
The
public declaration by Moore confirmed that Bennewitz had, at least
partially, succeeded in electronic monitoring of ET craft in the
area, communicating with ETs at the Dulce base, and monitoring ET
control of abductees in the area. This might help explain why AFOSI
began what emerged as an intense covert effort to discredit Bennewitz.
The basic strategy in the campaign by AFOSI was to suggest that
the most egregious aspects of Bennewitz’s claims - the Dulce base
as a site where humans were abducted for genetic experiments, placed
in cold storage and even used as a food source for ETs - was disinformation
rather than accurate reports of the nature of the ET presence in
the Northern New Mexico area. Indeed Moore argued that by the time
he met him in 1982, the bulk of Bennewitz’s information was already
disinformation fed by AFOSI. [15]
Many
UFO researchers despaired of finding the truth of what was happening
at Dulce due to the fog of disinformation rumored to be circulating
around Bennewitz, and the various activities orchestrated by AFOSI
and/or other intelligence services that targeted Bennewitz and his
supporters. [16] The dominant view was that Bennewitz was definitely
on to something but had succumbed to beliefs that discredited his
early and most persuasive work. One UFO researcher claimed that
the disinformation was passed on through the intercepted communications:
“Where the truth began and ended in the information collected by
Bennewitz is debatable but one thing is without doubt true - the
content of the intercepted messages certainly caused Bennewitz to
become a paranoid and deluded man who eventually suffered a colossal
nervous breakdown in 1985.” [17] The intensity of his investigations and the official
response had a heavy personal toll on Bennewitz caused his nervous
breakdown. He later withdrew entirely from any public discussion
of the Dulce base and ended his involvement with UFO issues.
Despite
his controversial withdrawal from the UFO scene, Bennewitz’s credibility
as an undisputed electronics genius was not at question, and the
extensive database of films, photos and raw electronic communications
data of UFO/ET phenomenon, was powerful evidence that something
was occurring around the Archuletta Mesa. Aside from the raw physical
evidence accumulated by Bennewitz, a number of whistleblowers have
come forward to give further testimony and even physical evidence
of an underground base at Dulce, and of ETs committing human rights
violations on abducted civilians. Before analyzing whistleblower
testimony concerning the Dulce underground base, I will point out
the legal position of whistleblowers when disclosing classified
information since this would help explain why comparatively few
individuals have stepped forward to confirm the allegations of massive
human rights abuses at Dulce and other joint government-ET underground
bases.
Whistleblowers
and National Security
‘Whistleblowers’
have been described as courageous employees who often with the zeal
of a martyr disclose unethical or criminal government/corporate
practices that involve great damage to the public interest. [18] Often the short-term result for whistleblowers
is the loss of jobs, reputation, economic security, and even life.
A whistleblower can be defined as any employee of any branch of
government or corporation that publicly discloses unethical or corrupt
practices by a government agency/corporation that violate the law
and/or damage the public interest. There are an extensive series
of state and federal whistleblower laws for those who come forward
to disclose such practices and risk their own careers, reputations
and physical safety. [19] When it comes to employment in government agencies/corporations
that involve working in projects with national security implications,
whistleblower protection laws have some important qualifications
as evidenced by the Basic Federal Whistleblower Statute concerning
National Security Whistleblowers (5 USC 2302). [20] The relevant section of this Statute [5 USC
Sec. 2302. (8) (A)] concerns the prohibition of action taken against
an employee (whistleblower) because of any disclosure of information
that the employee believes is evidence of “a violation of any law,
rule or regulation,” or “an abuse
of authority, or “substantial and specific danger to public health
or safety.” The relevant section then states the critical qualifying
condition: “if such disclosure is not specifically prohibited by
law and if such information is not specifically required by Executive
order to be kept secret in the interest of national defense or the
conduct of foreign affairs.”
As
evident in the qualifying statement, whistleblowers are not permitted
to disclose information if such disclosure compromises national
security. This means that if one is employed in a government agency
and/or corporation working on a classified project with national
security implications, such individuals do not receive protection
under Federal Whistleblower Statutes for publicly disclosing classified
information. Furthermore, if government/corporate employees sign
contracts that permit severe penalties for disclosing classified
information, such individuals essentially sign away their constitutional
rights since they have no legal recourse to prevent the imposition
of even the most draconian penalties. Consequently, if employees
witness, for instance, egregious human rights abuses committed in
the operation of classified projects, they have no legal protection
if they choose to disclose this to the general public. One individual
who apparently risked disclosing egregious human rights violations
while working on a highly classified project is Thomas Castello.
Thomas
Castello & the Dulce Papers
In 1987
an apparent whistleblower organized the release of 30 photos, video
and a set of papers to UFO researchers that were apparently physical
evidence of a joint US government/extraterrestrial base two miles
beneath the Archuletta Mesa, near the town of Dulce, New Mexico.
The collection came to be called the ‘Dulce Papers’ and provided
graphic evidence of the operations of this secret underground facility
and appeared to provide powerful support to Bennewitz’s conclusions
regarding activities at the underground base. [21] The Dulce Papers described genetic experimentation,
development of human-extraterrestrial hybrids, use of mind control
through advanced computers, cold storage of humans in liquid filled
vats, and even the use of human body parts as a nutritional source
for extraterrestrial (ET) races. The papers provided possible evidence
that humans were used as little more than laboratory animals by
ET races working directly with different US government agencies
and US corporations fulfilling ‘black budget’ military contracts
in a joint base. If the
papers were genuine, experiments and projects were being conducted
that involved human rights violations on a scale that exceeded even
the darkest chapters of recent human history.
The
individual responsible for assembling and releasing the Dulce Papers,
Thomas Castello, claimed to have worked as a senior security officer
at the base before ‘quitting’ the Dulce facility after a military
confrontation that occurred in 1979 between elite US military personnel,
base security guards, and resident extraterrestrials. The military
confrontation he described has been dubbed the ‘Dulce Wars’ and
a number of other ‘whistleblowers’ and UFO researchers have subsequently
described similar incidents at Dulce or nearby that substantiate
many of Castello’s claims. [22] In the time since he claims he left his Dulce
employers in 1979, and subsequent release of the Dulce Papers in
1986, Castello gave a number of interviews and corresponded with
UFO researchers before eventually vanishing from the scene. The
transcripts of these interviews and correspondence provide further
‘whistleblower’ testimony of events at the purported Dulce facility,
and the secret ‘war’ that occurred there.
Thomas
Castello claims to have served in the US Air force and specialized
in military photography and video monitoring. He further claims
to have served on a highly classified underground base near the
Northern New Mexico town of Dulce. His background has been summarized
as follows:
In 1961, Castello was a young sergeant stationed at Nellis Air Force Base near Las Vegas, Nevada. His job was as a military photographer with a top secret clearance. He later transferred to West Virginia where he trained in advanced intelligence photography. He worked inside an undisclosed underground installation, and due to the nature of his new assignment his clearance was upgraded to TS-IV. He remained with the Air Force as a photographer until 1971 at which time he was offered a job with RAND corporation as a Security Technician, and so he moved to California where RAND had a major facility and his security clearance was upgraded to ULTRA-3. … In 1977 Thomas was transferred to Santa Fe, New Mexico where his pay was raised significantly and his security clearance was again upgraded... this time to ULTRA-7. His new job was as a photo security specialist in the Dulce installation, where his job specification was to maintain, align and calibrate video monitoring cameras throughout the underground complex and to escort visitors to their destinations. [23]
It is the extensive
video monitoring that occurred at Dulce that apparently provided
Castello the bird’s eye information he needed to learn what was
occurring at the base, and the human rights abuses that eventually
led to his departure from the base and distribution of classified
material. Castello’s claims are outlined in two sources, first are
the Dulce papers themselves that presumably involved classified
material taken from the base; and second, the interviews/correspondence
Castello had with a number of UFO researchers. Much of Castello’s
material has since been circulated on the Internet and has been
incorporated in a book titled The Dulce Wars that was authored
by a UFO researcher who uses the name ‘Branton’. [24]
Officially confirming Castello’s employment, military and
educational background and therefore his status as a whistleblower
has not been possible. This is possibly due to a practice that has
been claimed to be standard for civilians who work under contract
to corporations and/or military/intelligence agencies on classified
projects involving ETs: the official removal of all public records
of contracted employees as a security precaution in the event they
intentionally or unintentionally publicly disclose what is occurring
in such projects. For example, Dr Michael Wolf claims to
have been a former scientist and policy maker on ET affairs that
began to serve from 1979 on the coordinating policy group for ET
affairs, the Special Studies Group (PI-40) in the National Security
Council. [25] In a series of interviews with the prominent
UFO researcher, Dr Richard Boylan, Wolf claimed that he was being
directed by his superiors to participate in a controlled leak of
information to the UFO community while providing a fall back of
‘plausible deniability’ for the government. [26] All public records of Wolf’s advanced university
degrees and contractual services to different military/intelligence/national
security branches of government were eliminated making it very difficult
if not impossible to confirm his background and substantiate the
startling information he was releasing. He claimed that this removal
of public records was ‘standard practice’ for all civilians employed
by either corporations and/or the US military in clandestine projects
involving ETs. [27] A further source confirming Wolf’s description
of the existence of such a ‘standard practice’ was Bob Lazar, a
physicist who found that after leaving in 1988 the secret S-4 facility
(Dreamland) in Nevada where his job was to reverse engineer the
propulsion and power system of recovered ET craft, his birth certificate
was no longer available at the hospital he was born at, along with
the disappearance of his school, college and all employment records
– he simply ceased to officially exist! [28]
It can now be suggested that a standard practice exists for
civilians contracted to corporations and/or military/intelligence
agencies whereby their employment and public records are removed
as a security precaution against either public disclosure of ET
related information as in the case of Bob Lazar, or to maintain
a highly controlled leak of information as in the case of Dr Wolf.
This means that confirming Castello’s employment background and
therefore his credibility, as a whistleblower is very difficult
if possible at all. There are three possibilities for Castello’s
true identity and credibility as a whistleblower. The first is that
he is who he claims to be, a whistleblower who worked at the base.
The second is that he is using the name and identity of ‘Thomas
Castello’ as a cover in order to reveal information on Dulce. In
this case, he may be an ‘insider’ leaking information on abuses
at the base who wishes to remain an anonymous whistleblower. The
third, possibility is that Castello is a bogus identity created
by an intelligence officer to disseminate disinformation that steers
UFO researchers and the general public away from genuine military
related projects in the area. A number of UFO researchers
were apparently able to get in contact with Castello before his
eventual ‘disappearance’ in the late 1980s and were able to get
answers to a series of questions. [29] According to both Branton and William Hamilton,
fellow UFO researchers had personally met with Castello
and could vouch for his existence and credibility. [30] While the list of contacts and personal interviews
with Castello are not extensive, it does appear that he exists while
casting doubt on, without eliminating, the third possibility that
his identity was concocted by intelligence officers. It is this
uncertainty that led to most UFO researchers not taking seriously
Castello’s claims that supported much of what Bennewitz had been
earlier arguing and was now associated with a disinformation campaign
led by Air Force Intelligence (AFOSI). In a later section, other
whistleblowers will be cited who confirm many aspects of both Bennewitz’s
and Castello’s claims indicating that the third possibility can
be dismissed as the least likely possibility concerning Castello’s
identity. Consequently, it is worth exploring in some depth what
Castello claimed to have experienced in the Ducle underground base
since he provides the most extensive testimony of what may have
occurred there.
In the
Dulce papers and his personal testimonies Castello claims the existence
of a seven level underground facility that jointly houses humans
and different extraterrestrial races in Dulce, New Mexico. Castello
claims that the humans employed at the base comprised scientists,
security personnel, and employees from various corporations who
were servicing military contracts. [31] There were four extraterrestrial races he claimed
worked at Dulce: the standard ‘short’ Grays’ from Zeta Reticulum
(approx 4ft in height); tall Grays from Rigel, Orion (7 ft); and
Reptilian species either native to Earth or from the Draco star
system in Orion (ranging from 6-8 ft). Castello claims that the
earth based Reptilians, who he described as the ‘working caste’,
were led by a winged Reptilian species he described as the Draco
(ETs from Orion). [32] He said that the short grays (depicted in movies
such as Close Encounters of the Third Kind) are subservient to the
Draco Reptilians. Castello says he was employed as a ‘Senior Security
Technician’ at the Dulce facility and that his primary job function
was to sort out any security issues between the resident ET races
and the human employees at the base. He described some of his job
functions and the ET hierarchy in response to a question by Branton
about how often he communicated with the different ET species:
Since I was the Senior Security Technician at that base, I had to communicate with them on a daily basis. If there were any problems that involved security or video cameras, I was the one they called. It was the reptilian "working caste" that usually did the physical labor in the lower levels at Dulce. Decisions involving that caste were usually made by the white Draco. When human workers caused problems for the working caste, the reptoids went to the white Draconian 'boss', and the Draco called me. At times, it felt like it was a never ending problem. Several human workers resented the "no nonsense" or "get back to work" attitude the working caste lives by. When needed, intervention became a vital tool. The biggest problem were human workers who foolishly wandered around near the "OFF LIMITS" areas of the "Alien Section." I guess it's human nature to be curious and to wonder what is past the barriers. Too often someone found a way to bypass the barriers and nosed around. The camera's near the entrance usually stopped them before they got themselves in serious trouble. A few times I had to formerly request the return of a human worker. [33]
Castello
claimed that the different projects at Dulce involved reverse engineering
of ET technology, development of mind control methods; and genetic
experiments involving cloning and creating human-ET hybrids. Similar
projects have been conducted at Montauk, Long Island and Brookhaven
laboratories [34] and been the subject of a number of other whistleblower
testimonies. [35]
These projects were scattered among the seven levels of the Dulce
underground base with the ETs occupying the deepest levels, five
to seven. These lower levels were described by Castello as an extremely
old series of natural caverns that had been used in the past by
different ET races. In response to a question concerning the Caverns
origin, he stated:
Nature started the caverns. The Draco [reptilian humanoids] used the caverns and tunnels for centuries. Later, through RAND Corporation plans, it was enlarged repeatedly. The original caverns included ice caves and sulfur springs that the 'aliens' found perfect for their needs. [36]
In describing
the way command was shared at the joint base between the US government
and the ET races, Castello said:
The worker caste [Reptilian] does the daily chores, mopping the latex
floors, cleaning the cages, bringing food to the hungry people and
other species. It is their job to formulate the proper mixture for
the type one and type two beings that the Draco Race has created.
The working caste work at the labs as well as at the computer banks.
Basically speaking, the reptilian races are active at all levels
of the Dulce Base. There are several different 'races' of aliens
that work on the east section of level six…. That section is commonly
called "the alien section." The Draco are the undisputed
masters of the 5-6-7 levels. The humans are second in command of
those levels. [37]
Castello
says that he directly witnessed the products of the trans-species
genetic experiments in the sixth level of the facility. Most disturbing
was his discovery that humans were used as a kind of laboratory
animal in the lowest level where they were placed in cold storage,
used as test subjects in mind-control programs, and even used in
genetic experiments. Castello wrote: “Level #7 is worse, row after
row of thousands of humans and human mixtures in cold storage. Here
too are embryo storage vats of Humanoids in various stages of development.
‘I frequently encountered humans in cages, usually dazed or drugged,
but sometimes they cried and begged for help.’” [38]
Castello
claims he was told in his initial briefing that the humans suffered
different forms of insanity and were being subjected to a range
of high-risk medical procedures and mind control experiments designed
to treat insanity. He claims that he and other human workers were
exposed daily to signs that said: “this
site does high risk advanced medical and drug testing to cure insanity,
please, never speak to the inmates, it can destroy years of work." [39]
Castello
argues that he performed his duties without any great problem until
he began to suspect that rather than being insane, the humans were
normal civilians who were simply abducted to be used as laboratory
animals by the Grey and Reptilian ET races:
I'm sensible, when doctors say don't speak to them, who was I to destroy the delicate situation? But one man some how caught my eye. He repeatedly stated that he was George S---- and that he had been kidnapped and he was sure someone was searching for him. I don't know why he sticks in my mind, I found I was remembering his face, thinking he sure didn't look or sound insane, but many inmates said that. The next weekend I convinced a friend of mine, a cop, to run a check on the guy, saying I had a run in with him and was curious. I didn't mention the base at all. It was a sickening feeling when the computer confirmed that George S. was missing. [40]
It was
the realization that the humans were ordinary civilians abducted
from that led to Castello’s decision to join a small number of other
base personnel in helping free the trapped humans.
It was another security officer that came to me saying he and some lab
workers wanted an off duty meeting at one of the tunnels [off the
record]. Curiosity took over and I said OK. That night, about nine
men showed up. They said they knew they were risking me turning
them in but they wanted to show me some things they thought I should
see. One by one they showed records that proved many inmates were
missing people. There were newspaper clippings, and even photos
that they had some how smuggled into the base. They hoped to smuggle
them back out, without me turning them in to the honchos. I could
see the fear in their faces as they spoke. One man stated he would
rather lose his life by trying, than to lose his soul by not doing
anything at all. It was that remark that turned the tide. I told
them about George and the things I found out about him. After a
few hours we pledged to attempt to expose the Dulce Base.
[41]
Castello
describes how the small band of human workers began to cooperate
with some Reptilians from the worker caste who also had an interest
in freeing the abducted humans in the deep levels. Eventually, Castello
described how the an elite Delta force contingent attempted to destroy
the ‘resistance movement’:
Ultimately, it ended when a military assault was initiated via the exit tunnels and they executed anybody on their list, human or reptilian. We fought back, but none of the working caste had weapons, nor did the human lab workers. Only the security force and a few computer workers had flash guns. It was a massacre. Every one was screaming and running for cover. The halls and tunnels were filled as full as possible. We believe it was the Delta Force [because of the uniforms and the method they used] that chose to hit at shift change, an effort that killed as many as named on their list. [42]
Castello
quit the facility, he took along with him photos and a video recording
eventually distributed to the general public as the Dulce Papers.
Due
to the importance of Castello’s claims and the evidence he provided
that appears to support much of what Bennewitz had concluded from
his extensive electronic monitoring and field research, it is necessary
to analyze any further whistleblower testimonies that independently
substantiate the Dulce underground base hypothesis.
Was
a Treaty Signed Between US Government Representatives and ET races?
The
first claim that needs analysis is Bennewitz’s and Castello’s contention
that a joint government-ET bases exist in the first place. This
would imply some sort of formal treaty or agreement between US government
representatives and ET races. There is significant whistleblower
testimony that a treaty was signed between the Eisenhower administration
and Grays from Zeta Reticulum as early as 1954. According to Dr
Wolf the Eisenhower administration entered into the treaty with
the so-called Grey extraterrestrials from the fourth planet of the
star system Zeta Reticulum, but this treaty was never ratified as
Constitutionally required. [43] Alluding to the same treaty signed by the Eisenhower
administration, Col Phillip Corso, a highly decorated officer that
served in Eisenhower’s National Security Council wrote: “We had
negotiated a kind of surrender with them [ETs] as long as we couldn’t
fight them. They dictated the terms because they knew what we most
feared was disclosure.” [44] The secret Treaty signed in 1954 between the
Eisenhower administration and an ET race has been disclosed by a
number of other ‘whistleblowers’ claiming former access to secret
documents disclosing the existence of such a treaty. [45] Phil Schneider, a former geological engineer
that was employed by corporations contracted to build underground
bases wrote:
Back in 1954, under the Eisenhower administration, the federal
government decided to circumvent the Constitution of the United
States and form a treaty with alien entities. It was called the
1954 Grenada Treaty, which basically made the agreement that the
aliens involved could take a few cows and test their implanting
techniques on a few human beings, but that they had to give details
about the people involved. Slowly, the aliens altered the bargain
until they decided they wouldn't abide by it at all. [46]
The
treaty has been argued to essentially lead to technology transfers
between ET races and the US government in exchange for certain basing
rights, and monitoring of ET abductions of US civilians. Col Phillip
Corso believed that this treaty was essentially something that was
imposed on the Eisenhower administration suggesting that the technology
transfer would be exchange for the ET harvesting the diverse genetic
material available in the US. This genetic diversity was something
that made the US a much more attractive treaty signatory than the
more racially homogenous major powers of Russia and China. It is
likely that the administration reasoned that since the Grays had
been abducting US civilians anyway, that the Treaty would provide
them with a means of monitoring the abductions, and observing at
close range what happened with the civilians who were part of the
genetic experiments pursued by the Grays. The Grays were obliged
to provide lists of abducted civilians, something that apparently
did not occur and later became a source of friction between the
Grays and US authorities.
The
treaty with the Grays from Zeta Reticulum presumably led to the
creation of secret joint bases whose functions most likely included:
technology exchange; mind control experiments; monitoring genetic
experiments of Grays; and collusion in the abduction of civilians
for the various projects at these shared bases. The existence of
both the Treaty and the joint base(s) with the Grays would have
received the highest possible classification levels and would only
have been known by a limited number of elected and appointed public
officials. Consequently, whistleblower testimony supporting the
existence of a secret treaty negotiated by the Eisenhower administration
for technology transfers with an ET race suggest the possible construction
of underground facilities where this could be done without public,
congressional or foreign national scrutiny. Having laid the possible
‘legal’ foundation for a joint US government-ET underground facility,
I now move to analyzing evidence supporting the existence of such
a base.
Based
on evidence presented so far it may be concluded that three possibilities
stand out as the most likely explanations for what was occurring
at Dulce. First, a top secret joint ET-human facility exists at
Dulce that is (or was) conducting projects that involve(d) the abduction
of human subjects whose rights are (were) severely violated. Second,
the Dulce base exists (or existed) but reports of horrific ET abuses
of humans were part of a disinformation campaign designed to discredit
Paul Bennewitz and any legitimate research into the ET activities
and secret government projects being conducted at Dulce. A third
possibility is that all the stories about Dulce are disinformation
designed to deliberately steer serious investigation away from UFO’s
and to divide the UFO community. [47] Keeping these three possibilities in mind,
I now examine whistleblower testimonies concerning an apparent military
conflict that occurred at the Dulce base in order to determine which
of these three possibilities is more accurate.
The
Dulce War
The
whistleblower testimonies supporting the existence of the Dulce
base suggest that such a secret facility is indeed conducting a
range of projects that focus on technology exchange, mind control,
genetic experiments, and human rights abuse of abducted civilians.
It is likely that one or more of these projects became an area of
dispute between ET races and clandestine government organizations.
This dispute led to military hostilities that became known as the
‘Dulce War’. The precise cause of this confrontation remains unclear,
however what does emerge from the various testimonies is that it
did occur and involved significant number of fatalities involving
US military personnel, Dulce security guards, and ET races.
According
to Castello, the Dulce military conflict began as a result of the
growth of a resistance movement between both security guards and
sympathetic ETs that desired to help imprisoned humans in the ET
sections of the base. Eventually 100 elite Delta force military
personnel were sent to eradicate the resistance movement that began
to threaten established security procedures at the joint base. This
force suffered a number of fatalities and inflicted heavy casualties
upon both resident ETs and base security personnel. The military
confrontation at Dulce has been reported by other whistleblowers
including Phil Schneider who worked as a geological engineer in
the construction of the Dulce base, another underground base in
the US, and other underground bases around the globe. Schneider
gave the following details of his background and the existence of
a military confrontation in 1995:
To give you an overview of basically what I
am, I started off and went through engineering school. Half of my
school was in that field, and I built up a reputation for being
a geological engineer, as well as a structural engineer with both
military and aerospace applications. I have helped build two main
bases in the United States that have some significance as far as
what is called the New World Order [a UN run world secretly controlled
by ‘tall Gray’ ETs]. The first base is the one at Dulce, New Mexico.
I was involved in 1979 in a firefight with alien humanoids, and
I was one of the survivors. I'm probably the only talking survivor
you will ever hear. Two other survivors are under close guard. I
am the only one left that knows the detailed files of the entire
operation. Sixty-six secret service agents, FBI, Black Berets and
the like, died in that firefight. I was there. [48]
Schneider
described the cause of the 1979 military confrontation as little
more than an ‘accident’ that arose from drilling for a planned extension
of the Dulce base:
I was involved in building an ADDITION to the deep underground military base at Dulce, which is probably the deepest base. It goes down seven levels and over 2.5 miles deep. At that particular time, we had drilled four distinct holes in the desert, and we were going to link them together and blow out large sections at a time. My job was to go down the holes and check the rock samples, and recommend the explosive to deal with the particular rock. As I was headed down there, we found ourselves amidst a large cavern that was full of outer-space aliens, otherwise known as large Grays. I shot two of them. At that time, there were 30 people down there. About 40 more came down after this started, and all of them got killed. We had surprised a whole underground base of existing aliens. Later, we found out that they had been living on [in] our planet for a long time... This could explain a lot of what is behind the theory of ancient astronauts. [49]
An important
difference between Schneider’s and Castello’s versions is that Schneider
did not refer to the underground base as a joint facility. He described
it as a seven level US military facility that had ‘accidentally’
been built on top of an ancient ET base. He believed that his job
was to simply extend the existing base rather than attacking ET
races for an undisclosed purpose. The unlikelihood that the Dulce
facility was ‘accidentally’ built on an ancient ET base suggests
that Schneider was only partly informed of the true nature of his
mission and what was occurring on the lower levels. The more likely
scenario was that Schneider had to assist US military forces to
access the innermost layers of the Dulce facility, level 7, that
had been closed off and where the true cause of the dispute lay.
Sometime
in 1993 Schneider quit working for his various corporate clients
that serviced military contracts after becoming convinced of a plot
by the tall Gray ETs to develop a New World Order dominated by the
United Nations that they would be secretly controlling. He subsequently
began a series of public lectures revealing the activities at the
underground bases he helped construct and the role of extraterrestrial
races in infiltrating national governments and being the true architects
of a New World Order. Schneider gave a keynote lecture at a MUFON
conference in May 1995, and was found dead in his apartment seven
months later in January 1996. [50] Circumstances surrounding the death of Schneider
and his autopsy report led many to declare that Schneider had been
murdered for going public with his knowledge of ETs and the secret
underground base. [51] Schneider’s testimony, his clear knowledge of
geological engineering, and mysterious death all support his central
thesis that an underground base exists at Dulce, and a military
confrontation between ETs and elite US military forces occurred
at the lowest level of this underground facility.
Another
‘whistleblower’ that lends credence to the possibility that a firefight
had occurred between US military forces and ETs in a secret underground
base was Dr Michael Wolf. Wolf’s book Catcher’s of Heaven described
a firefight between ETs and elite US military forces that had occurred
in 1975 at the Groom Lake, Nevada facility that may have been related
to what occurred later at the nearby Dulce:
The Greys shared certain of their technological advances with military/intelligence scientists, apparently often while prisoner "guests" within secure underground military installations in Nevada and New Mexico. The extraterrestrials have given the U.S. government some of their antigravity craft and a huge amount of fuel (element 115). On May 1, 1975 during one such technology exchange in Nevada, a demonstration of a small ET antimatter reactor, the lead Grey asked the Colonel in charge of the Delta Forces guarding the ETs to remove all their rifles and bullets from the room, (so that they would not accidentally discharge during the energy emissions.) The guards refused, and in the ensuing commotion a guard opened fire on the Greys. One alien, two scientists and 41 military personnel were killed. One guard was left alive to attest that the ETs apparently used directed mental energy in self-defense to kill the other attacking Delta Forces. Dr. Wolf states that "this incident ended certain exchanges with (the Greys)." [52]
There
are important parallels with the ‘Dulce war’ in the description
of the ‘Nevada’ confrontation described by Wolf, with that described
by Castello and Schneider. In both cases, a significant number of
US military personnel are killed after a confrontation with ETs.
These parallels suggest either that Wolf was narrating an entirely
different conflict, or the same conflict but with some inaccuracies
intended to hide the true nature and location of the conflict between
the US military and ET races. Some notable differences in the accounts
are that Wolfe said that the ETs were ‘prisoner’ guests rather than
sharing joint base facilities with the US. It is unlikely that ETs
as ‘prisoner guests’ would participate in the kind of significant
technology exchange described by Wolf. It is likely that Wolf’s
reference to the ETs as ‘prisoner guests’ was intended to hide the
true extent of the cooperation between US military and ET races
in a shared base that might lead to a connection being made with
Bennewitz claims regarding Dulce. This also casts doubt on whether the conflict
did occur in Nevada in 1975 as Wolf writes, or whether he was alluding
to the 1979 military conflict at Dulce, New Mexico. If the latter
is the case, then Wolf was instructed by his superiors in the ‘controlled
release of information’ to sow some inaccuracies (disinformation)
into the information he was releasing that a firefight had indeed
occurred at a shared Government-ET facility and the US had taken
heavy casualties. Such a disinformation strategy would strengthen
any fall back position of ‘plausibility deniability’ that the government
could choose to take over the sensitive information released by
Wolf. Wolf further disclosed in an interview that he had worked
at the Dulce laboratory, thereby providing more confirmation for
the existence of this secret underground base that is the key claim
made by Bennewitz. [53]
Another
whistleblower that revealed evidence of the existence of a joint
government-ET base and the ‘Dulce military conflict’ is Bob Lazar.
Lazar worked for a few months in 1988 at the S-4 Nevada facility
on reverse-engineering the propulsion and power system of ET craft.
In an interview he described his background as follows:
I have two masters degrees, one's in physics; one's in electronics. I wrote my thesis on MHD, which is magnetohydrodynamics. I worked at Los Alamos for a few years as a technician and then as a physicist in the Polarized Proton Section, dealing with the accelerator there. I was hired at S-4 as a senior staff physicist to work on gravitational propulsion systems and whatnot associated with those crafts. [54]
Lazar
revealed that in his briefing prior to working on the ET craft he
was required to read 200 pages of briefing documents in preparation
for his job. [55] He recalled that the briefing document mentioned
a battle between ETs and humans at a secret base in 1979. He said
the conflict was caused by a security guard that tried to take a
weapon in the ET area and resulted in fatal wounds to security personnel.
Lazar’s recollection of the briefing document he read in 1988 is
very likely referring to the 1979 Dulce firefight.
In sum,
the strongest evidence for Bennewitz’s claims regarding the Dulce
base come from: Thomas Castello’s testimony of his employment and
defection from the Dulce underground base after witnessing human
rights abuses; testimony of Phil Schneider who was directly involved
in the Dulce firefight; important parallels with Michael Wolf’s
revelation of a firefight that may have occurred four years earlier
at another underground base in Nevada and his admission of having
worked at Dulce; Bob Lazar’s recollection of a written briefing
disclosing a 1979 firefight between ETs and security personal at
a secret base; and the reports of abductees who underwent hypnotic
regression and whose testimonies are recorded in the book, The
Dulce Wars. Furthermore, the disinformation campaign instigated
against Bennewitz, and the mysterious death of Schneider after his
going public on the existence of secret underground facilities,
both lend circumstantial support to the view that there was sufficient
basis to whistleblower claims concerning the existence of the Dulce
underground facility, and possible gross human rights abuses occurring
there.
I can
now return to the three possibilities mentioned earlier concerning
Bennewitz’s major claims of the existence of the Dulce base, a military
conflict having taken place, and extensive human rights having occurred
(or continuing to occur) at the base. The first possibility was
that the evidence substantiates Bennewitz’s claims. The second possibility
was that Bennewitz’s claims concerning ET abuses against civilian
abductees was disinformation intended to steer researchers away
from the existence of the base and/or a military conflict having
taken place there. The third possibility was that Bennewitz’s claims
were compromised by disinformation intended to steer UFO researchers
away from genuine sightings of UFO’s. In order to determine which
possibility is most plausible, I will now consider some of the criticisms
made of Bennewitz’s and others claims surrounding the Dulce base:
Critique
of the Dulce Underground Base Hypothesis
Ever
since Bennewitz first began circulating his claims concerning the
Dulce base in the early 1980s, and latter physical evidence and
personal testimonies provided by Castello and others, there has
predictably been intense criticism of the evidence supporting the
Dulce base hypothesis. These criticisms fall into three categories.
First are criticisms of physical evidence such as Bennewitz’s intercepted
electronic transmissions, communication transcripts, photos, video
recordings, and the ‘Dulce Papers’ provided by Castello; and lack
of physical evidence of an underground base in terms of entrances,
air vents, etc. Second, are criticisms that focus on the credibility
of Bennewitz, Castello and Schneider as reliable sources for the
Dulce base hypothesis. Finally, there are criticisms that the whole
Dulce underground base hypothesis is a clever disinformation strategy
launched by intelligence services such as the Air Force Office of
Special Intelligence (AFOSI) to divide the UFO community. I will
examine each of these criticisms in turn.
As far
as the Bennewitz evidence was concerned, his photographs and films
from 1980 clearly demonstrated some anomalous phenomenon that was
acknowledged even by Air Force Intelligence, but the difficultly
lay in conclusively showing what these showed. [56] Nevertheless, many UFO researchers believed this
was some of the strongest evidence yet discovered of UFO’s captured
on film. [57] Bennewitz electronic communications while again
demonstrating something odd was occurring was subject to most controversy
and was again not conclusive proof. As far as the physical evidence
found in the Dulce Papers was concerned, most researchers simply
didn’t take these seriously and assumed they were part of the disinformation
campaign against Bennewitz. The lack of conclusive proof by way
of photos, videos and physical sights is reminiscent of the entire
history of the UFO community’s efforts to find sufficient evidence
to persuade even the most skeptical of professionals. [58] This suggests that the validity of physical evidence
surrounding Bennewitz electronic records of UFO activity and ET
communication, and the Dulce Papers, will continue to be subject
to debate. A clear conclusion over what the physical evidence provided
for the existence of the Dulce base is therefore elusive.
Private
investigators have explored the terrain where the underground base
is allegedly located. The Archuletta Mesa is situated on Jicarilla
Apache Indian reservation land. One investigator, Glen Campbell,
found that there were no visible security restrictions on the land,
no evidence of a military presence, and no concealed entrances,
air vents, water intakes from the nearby Navaho river, etc., were
found. He subsequently concluded that there was no physical evidence
of an underground base. [59] Other field investigators, however, have found
evidence of strange occurrences in the area lending support to the
existence of a base. [60] For instance, Norio Harakaya visited Dulce with
a Japanese film production crew in 1990 and concluded:
I've been to Dulce with the Nippon Television Network crew and interviewed many, many people over there and came back with the firm conviction that something was happening around 10 to 15 years ago over there, including nightly sightings of strange lights and appearances of military jeeps and trucks. [61]
Some
of the criticisms raised by Campbell might be explained in a number
of ways. Castello and Schneider, for example, both described an extensive
underground infrastructure that used advanced technology such as
a high-speed rail link. [62] This would make it possible for entrances to
the Dulce base to be concealed in more secure areas. Also, air circulation
and water could also be provided in other ways by those possessing
the advanced technology to do so. This suggests that criticism of
a lack of physical evidence on Jicarilla Apache land to support
the idea of a secret underground base is not conclusive, and even
conflicts with other testimonies of mysterious military troop movements
and anomalous sightings in the area .
The
covert disinformation campaign launched by AFOSI against Bennewitz
suggests that the physical evidence he had of an underground base
in the area, and the public support he attracted, were perceived
to be a national security threat. This covert disinformation campaign
that began in 1980 suggests that criticisms of the physical evidence
provided by Bennewitz and Castello, are not conclusive and may themselves
be part of an ongoing disinformation campaign. Consequently, criticism
of the lack of physical evidence for the existence of an underground
base in Dulce fails to dismiss the Dulce base hypothesis.
The
second set of criticisms focus on the credibility of the whistleblowers/witnesses
who provided evidence or testimony of the Dulce base. Establishing
credibility in a field rife with disinformation, intimidation and
official efforts to discredit expert witnesses and ‘whistleblowers’
requires some flexibility in analyzing whistleblower behavioral
and/or personality characteristics. A ‘nervous breakdown’, ‘refusal
to give interviews’, or use of ‘cover identities’, for instance,
may be more of a result of covert intimidation than a sign of an
individual who lacks credibility. Focusing on the mental or health
problems encountered by whistleblowers/witnesses advocating the
Dulce base hypothesis may amount to little more than veiled personal
attacks against the credibility of the principle advocates of the
hypothesis. For instance, in an online article that is critical
of evidence for the Dulce base, the writer Roy Lawhon, glosses over
the challenges faced in establishing the credibility of the three
principle witnesses/whistleblowers advocating the Dulce Underground
base hypothesis - Bennewitz, Castello and Schneider. Lawhon finishes
his description of their respective claims with references to a
range of personal problems or behaviors each exhibited in a way
that appears to be little more than a veiled attack on their credibility. [63] For example, he refers to Bennewitz being “committed
for a time to a mental hospital”, and then becoming a “reclusive,
refusing to talk about UFOs.” [64] As mentioned earlier, Bennewitz became the subject
of an intense disinformation campaign, public scrutiny, attacks
on his credibility, and unusual activities being directed against
him that finally led to him having a nervous breakdown. This doesn’t
affect the quality of his material nor his credibility, but only
displays that in intense circumstances, many individuals succumb
to the psychological pressure that has been directed against them.
Moving
on to Castello, Lawhon concludes that Castello “has only provided
stories, nothing solid, and has yet to come forward in person,”
and that there “is some doubt as to whether he actually exists.”
[65] While only a relatively few researchers can vouch
for Castello’s existence, there would be very good reason to believe
that as a possible whistleblower revealing classified information,
he would be subject to arrest or other official efforts to ‘silence’
him, if he emerged into the public. This may explain his mysterious
movement while at the same time leaving open the possibility that
he is part of a disinformation strategy. Therefore, while his testimony
and the Dulce Papers on their own lack persuasiveness, they become
significant as supporting evidence for Bennewitz’s claims.
Finally,
with regard to Schneider, Lawhon refers to unquoted sources that
Schneider “had severe brain damage and was also a paranoid schizophrenic.”
[66] This would have to be the most unfair of the
criticisms raised by Lawhon. Schneider spent nearly two years on
the lecture circuit (1993-95) candidly revealing his activities
while an employee for corporations that built the Dulce and other
underground bases. There were ample opportunities for his integrity
and mental resilience to be tested, and it appears that he did not
disappoint his growing number of supporters. [67] He gave the appearance of a man who knew his
life would soon end from either natural causes (he had terminal
cancer) or from being murdered. His apparent ‘suicide’ had the tell
tale signs of murder that was not seriously pursued by public authorities.
[68] Schneider’s testimony represents the most solid
whistleblower disclosure available on the existence of the Dulce
Base and of a firefight between ETs and elite US troops having occurred
there in 1979. In conclusion, criticisms of the credibility of the
principal advocates of the Dulce base hypothesis fail to be persuasive.
Finally,
there are criticisms that focus on William Moore’s 1989 declaration
at a MUFON conference that he had been co-opted into a covert effort
by AFOSI to feed disinformation to Bennewitz in order to discredit
him. While furious that one UFO researcher would actively participate
in a disinformation campaign against another researcher, many UFO
researchers were quick to accept Moore’s story that the most bizarre
aspects of Bennewitz’s claims, human rights abuses involving ET
abductions, cold storage of humans and underground vats filled with
cattle and human parts were disinformation. Bennewitz’s claims had
been gaining widespread support in the UFO community and being championed
by controversial individuals such as John Lear, William Cooper and
William Hamilton. Some well-established UFO researchers believed
that Lear’s and Hamilton’s claims, reflecting Bennewitz’s statements
about the Dulce underground base, would damage legitimate UFO research. [69] When it was learned that John Lear had been invited
to host the 1989 Mutual UFO Network (MUFON) conference, for instance,
prominent MUFON members began to resign in protest. [70] Many UFO researchers did not believe that Bennewitz’s
electronic interceptions, interpretations of the data, and interviews
with abductees, were sufficient proof of an underground ET base
at Dulce. Bennewitz’s claims of ETs committing gross human rights
violations at the base were widely dismissed as little more than
disinformation even by those who believed in his integrity and the
quality of the hard evidence he had compiled. [71]
As far
as the view that disinformation played a major role in Bennewitz
developing his views concerning the base and human rights abuses,
Bennewitz had already compiled an extensive database of information
based on his two years of electronic surveillance prior to approaching
AFOSI in 1980. Consequently, Bennewitz had already developed many
of his views about Dulce before AFOSI began to feed him disinformation
after Bennewitz’s 1980 AFOSI interviews and subsequent meeting with
Moore in 1982. It is likely that Bennewitz’s observation of UFO/ET
activity in the area, electronic monitoring of radio and video transmissions,
and his electronic communications, leading up to and including the
Dulce war, gave him an overall picture of what was occurring in
the base. The more likely explanation is that US intelligence services
were in damage control mode after Bennewitz’s intercepts of electronic
communications between ET ships and the Dulce base. The even more
revealing evidence and testimony provided by Castello, and later
by Schneider, became intertwined with disinformation that was actively
being fed into the public debate surrounding the Dolce base hypothesis.
Criticism that the most alarming aspects of the Dulce base hypothesis,
ET human rights abuses, etc., were simply AFOSI disinformation,
fails to take into account how disinformation is actively used as
a standard tool by the intelligence community to create confusion
and prevent discovery of what is precisely occurring. [72]
I now
return to the three possibilities raised earlier concerning the
Dulce underground base hypothesis: 1. the physical evidence, whistleblower
claims and witness testimonies provide conclusive evidence of the
Dulce base and extensive ET abuses of abducted civilians; 2. claims
of the base are likely accurate but some disinformation has occurred
as far as the more extreme stories of human rights abuses; and 3.
the Dulce base hypothesis is disinformation. Based on the evidence
presented thus far, and the lack of conclusive criticism of this
evidence, the third possibility can be dismissed. This suggests
the conclusion that a secret joint government-ET base did exist
at Dulce, that military conflict did occur over issues that remain
open to debate, but most likely involved perceptions of a treaty
violation by one or both sides. Reports of gross human rights abuses
against civilians abducted for various projects at the base while
not at this point conclusive have sufficient evidentiary support
to warrant further investigation on the part of responsible government
authorities and human rights organizations. One further issue to
be examined for understanding the human rights and political implications
of the evidence presented thus far is to identify how Dulce and
any similar bases are funded without legislative oversight.
Funding
Dulce and other Joint Government/ET Underground Bases without US
Congressional Oversight
According
to Phil Schneider, funds used for the construction of underground
bases in the US and elsewhere come from a ‘black budget’ - money
that is not part of the normal Congressional appropriations and
supplemental processes that fund government agencies in the US.
In his 1995 lecture, Schneider declared:
The Black Budget is a secretive budget that garners 25% of the gross national product of the United States. The Black Budget currently consumes $1.25 trillion per year. At least this amount is used in black programs, like those concerned with deep underground military bases. Presently, there are 129 deep underground military bases in the United States. [73]
These
bases according to Schneider are “connected
by high-speed magneto-leviton trains that have speeds up to Mach
2”. [74] Thomas Castello also described the high-speed
underground rail system that connected Dulce to other bases in the
US and the world: “[the] world wide network is called the "Sub-Global
System." It has "check points" at each country entry.
There ARE shuttle tubes that 'shoot' the trains at incredible speeds
using a mag-lev and vacuum method. They travel at a speed that excels
the speed of sound.” [75] A researcher confirming some of Schneider’s and
Castello’s claims of a vast underground infrastructure linked by
high speed Maglev train system is Dr Richard Sauder who has investigated
and identified secret underground bases in the US and around the
globe. [76] If Schneider’s description and budget estimates
are correct, then a massive secret underground infrastructure exists
that is funded in ways that escape Congressional oversight despite
the underground infrastructure’s vast size and consumption of economic
resources. It is therefore worth investigating whether Schneider’s
estimate could be accurate, how Congress exercises oversight over
classified programs in the US, and where a base such as Dulce fits
into the overall picture of Congressional funding and oversight
of clandestine military programs.
Confirmation
of Schneider’s surprisingly high estimate of the ‘black budget’
comes from an unlikely source. A former Assistant Secretary of Housing
and Urban Development (HUD), Catherine Fitts, claims that a total
of 3.3 trillion dollars was siphoned out of HUD and the Department
of Defense (DoD) for the fiscal years 1998, 1999 and 2000. [77] Fitts bases her 2000 estimate on a report from
David K. Steensma, Acting Assistant Inspector for auditing DoD who
wrote in a 2002 report that “DoD processed $1.1 trillion in unsupported
accounting entries to DoD Component financial data used to prepare
departmental reports and DoD financial statements for FY 2000.” [78] Reporting on the missing DoD funds in
fiscal year 2000, investigative reporter Kelly O’Meara also supported
Fitts finding:
[T]he deputy IG [Inspector General] at the Pentagon read
an eight-page summary of DOD fiduciary failures. He admitted that
$4.4 trillion in adjustments to the Pentagon's books had to be cooked
to compile the required financial statements and that $1.1 trillion
of that amount could not be supported by reliable information. In
other words, at the end of the last full year on Bill Clinton's
watch, more than $1 trillion was simply gone and no one can be sure
of when, where or to whom the money went. [79]
If the
‘black budget’ is indeed as high as Fitts’ and Schneider’s estimates,
then it is very likely that these are used to fund programs such
as the Dulce base which would appear to fall into the category of
a ‘Special Access Program’ (SAP). SAPs are programs that have additional
security measures attached to them over and above the normal classificatory
system (confidential, secret, top-secret) attached to most classified
information and programs. [80] According to a 1997 Senate Commission Report,
there were approximately 150 SAPs that operated with DoD approval. [81] These SAPs are divided into two classes ‘acknowledged’
and ‘unacknowledged’ as described in the Senate Report:
Publicly acknowledged programs are considered
distinct from unacknowledged programs, with the latter colloquially
referred to as “black” programs because their very existence and
purpose are classified. Among black programs, further distinction
is made for “waived” programs, considered to be so sensitive that
they are exempt from standard reporting requirements to the Congress.
The chairperson, ranking member, and, on occasion, other members
and staff of relevant Congressional committees are notified only
orally of the existence of these programs. [82]
Essentially, a waived unacknowledged SAP (deep
black) is so sensitive that only eight members of Congress (the
chairs and ranking members of the four defense committees divided
between the House of Representatives and Senate) are notified of
a waived SAP without being given any information about it. This
would enable them to truthfully declare no knowledge of such a program
if asked, thereby maintaining secrecy of this SAP. If unacknowledged
SAPs are ‘black programs’, then ‘waived’ unacknowledged SAPs are
‘deep black’. The Dulce base appears to be a candidate for one of
these ‘deep black’ programs currently in operation in the US.
SAPs
are funded in a manner that fulfills federal guidelines and subject
to both Executive and Congressional oversight. In practice though,
Congressional oversight in the case of waived acknowledged SAPs
is nominal. President Clinton’s Executive Order # 12958 issued on
April 17, 1995, reformed how SAPs would in future be created and
oversight established. The main components of the Executive Order
was that only the Secretaries of State, Defense and Energy, and
the Director of Central Intelligence (or their principal deputies)
could create a SAP; these would be kept to an “absolute minimum”;
and would be created when “the vulnerability of, or threat to, specific information is
exceptional,” and their secrecy cannot be protected by the normal
classification system. [83] As far as oversight was concerned, the
key clause in the Executive Order was an effort by the Clinton administration
to coordinate oversight through a central executive office (Information
Security Oversight Office) that would be responsible to the National
Security Council (NSC) and annually report to the President:
(3) … the Director of the Information Security Oversight Office
shall be afforded access to these programs, in accordance with the
security requirements of each program, in order to perform the functions
assigned to the Information Security Oversight Office under this
order. An agency head may limit access to a special access program
to the Director and no more than one other employee of the Information
Security Oversight Office; or, for special access programs that
are extraordinarily sensitive and vulnerable, to the Director only. [84]
In practice,
however, effective oversight of SAP’s is performed by a DoD committee,
the Special Access Program Oversight Committee (SAPOC), and a similar
committee in the intelligence community, Controlled Access Program
Oversight Committee (CAPOC) for its SAPs, rather than the Information
Security Oversight Office. [85] It is SAPOC that has the authority for the “approval,
termination, revalidation, restructuring procedures for DoD special
access programs.” [86] Essentially, there is very little authority that
a US President can exercise over SAPs in the DoD and the intelligence
community. [87] The oversight system that has evolved effectively
excludes the President from having control over the DoD and intelligence
committees that have real power over SAPs, but which in theory are
subordinate to the President as ‘Commander in Chief’. [88] It will be argued that those branches of the
Executive Office that are under direct control of the President,
as President Clinton discovered, have little power to influence
or provide oversight of ‘deep black programs’. [89] Those branches of the Executive Office that deal
with ET affairs are embedded in the National Security Council, and
are not under control of the President. [90] To distinguish between these as far as Executive
Office oversight of deep black programs is concerned, I will refer
to those executive offices under control of the President as ‘Executive
Office oversight’, and those offices not under the President’s
control as ‘Shadow Government’ oversight.
The
‘deep black’ programs described by Schneider require funds well
in excess to the federal funds officially allocated to SAPs. For
example, in the 2001 financial year, somewhere between $10-12 billion
dollars was budgeted for SAPs by all services in the DoD, well below
the sums mentioned by Schneider and Fitts that were likely being
spent on the ‘deep black programs’ that were not included in the
list of SAPs submitted to Congress. [91] Even with the increase of the DoD budget
to 380 billion dollars in 2003, the portion allocated to SAPs would
rise only marginally thereby maintaining a large discrepancy between
the actual cost of all ‘deep black programs’ and the budget allocated
to them.
To fund
‘deep black programs’ that are directly connected with the ET presence
without attracting Congressional and Executive Office oversight,
clandestine organizations embedded in the military and intelligence
branches of government have developed a complex financial system
for circumventing the normal appropriations process and oversight
requirements for the use of Federal funds. According to Kelly O’Meara,
the use of a range of accounting mechanisms such as "unsupported entries," "material-control weakness,"
"adjusted records," "unmatched disbursements,"
"abnormal balances" and "unreconciled differences"
the DoD effectively cannot account for up to a trillion dollars
annually. [92] The huge unaccounted annual sum, well in excess
of the DoD’s official budget suggests that federal government departments
are being used to siphon money without the US taxpayer, Congress
and responsible federal authorities being aware of what is occurring. [93]
Rather
than siphoned federal money going directly into the pockets or Swiss
bank accounts of corrupt US politicians, a practice the leaders
in many developing nations have developed to a fine art, the money
goes directly into the ‘black budget’ which then funds ‘deep black
programs’ in addition to the official list of SAPs that can be run
without Congressional and Presidential oversight. These ‘illegal’
funds are channeled to clandestine organizations in the different
branches of the US military and intelligence services to directly
fund their pet ‘black programs’ for dealing with the ET presence.
These funds are then used to award contracts to US corporations
such as EG&G, Westinghouse, McDonnell
Douglas, Morrison- Knudson, Wackenhut Security Systems, Boeing Aerospace,
Lorimar Aerospace, Aerospacial in France, Mitsibishi Industries,
Rider Trucks, Bechtel, Raytheon, DynCorp, Lockheed Martin,
Hughes, Dryden, SAC, and others that provide the necessary services
for ET related projects. [94] Retired DIA intelligence officer, John Maynard
reports on the nature of the relationship between corporations and
the DoD:
The
Department of Defense has had an ongoing program since the mid-1950's,
which provided contracts to U.S. Civilian Contractors/Organizations/Corporations
that worked in the intelligence community. These projects came under
very tight security and usually were very highly compartmentalized.
What this means is that you have several concentric circles: the
closer you are to the inner circle the more information you could
find on the project. The further you get away from this inner circle,
the less information is available. All this is established on a
very strict need-to-know basis. Within these circles you could,
if you looked hard enough, find contractors that worked on various
parts of the project but really had no idea what the overall project
was. This also happened with the military's interaction with the
primary contractor. Also in this respect, each military branch had
certain projects that came under the compartmentalization security
measures. [95]
Corporations
awarded military contracts generated from illegal ‘black budget’
funds, are not subject to Congressional or Executive Office oversight,
do not have to disclose to the general public the true nature of
the activities they perform for their military employers, and force
their employees to sign non-disclosure agreements with severe penalties.
According to Bob Lazar his true employer while at the S-4 Nevada
facility was the US Navy, but he had to sign a contract with the
company EG&G which involved signing away his constitutional
rights in the case of disclosure. [96] After his decision to quit his work at area S-4
Lazar disclosed that he received death threats.
An estimate
of the number of ‘deep black programs’ funded by the ‘black budget’
can be gained by using estimates of the official funding for ‘deep
black programs’, and then revising this up when funds available
through the ‘black budget’ are used. According to Executive Order
12958 and recommendations from the 1997 Senate Commission Report,
the number of deep black programs (unacknowledged waived Special
Access Programs) is to be kept to an absolute minimum. This suggests
that of the 150 SAPs identified by the Senate Commission in 1997,
it can be estimated from proportionally breaking this down into
‘acknowledged’ and ‘unacknowledged’, and then breaking ‘unacknowledged
down into ‘waived’ and ‘unwaived’ SAPs, and then using an arbitrary
figure of 50% to factor in the ‘absolute minimum’ requirement that
is used for permitting waived SAPs, that somewhere in the range
of 15-20 SAPs (approximately 10% of the total) are ‘deep black’.
Using the same process to break down the estimated annual budget
for SAPs of 10-12 billion dollars, approximately 1.5 billion dollars
are annually spent on ‘deep black programs’. This means that approximately
1.5 billion dollars are spent on approximately 15-20 ‘deep black’
programs whose existence is verbally reported to only eight Congressional
committee chairs & ranking members who are not briefed on them.
The
extraordinary security precautions surrounding ‘deep black’ programs
has been historically acceptable to Congressional leaders based
on their belief of the limited number and modest budgets allocated
to these programs – $ 1.5 billion would be less than 0.5% of the
total DoD budget for 2003 ($380 billion). If the estimates provided
by Fitts, O’Meara, and Schneider are correct, then the true size
of the budget for ‘deep black programs’ is almost three times the
annual DoD budget! Comparing this astounding figure to the $1.5
billion estimate for ‘deep black’ programs supplied to Congressional
leaders, this suggests that waived SAPs, together with unacknowledged
SAPs, are really only a cover for an entirely different category
of deep black programs – those that are directly related to the
ET presence.
Using
Fitts estimates as closer to the true size of the ‘black budget’
and the estimate for the waived SAPs budget ($1.5 billion), the
total actual funding for this different category of ‘deep black
programs’ can actually be multiplied by a factor of approximately
700. This might suggest that the number of ‘deep black programs’
could also be increased by this factor, however the extra funding
might well be used to expand each program rather than add new programs.
Consequently, if a factor of ten is used to account for an expansion
of a ‘deep black program’ to get a closer approximation of the program’s
actual cost, then the true number of ‘deep black programs’ would
be expanded by a factor of 70. If an estimate of the ‘official’
number of ‘deep black programs’ is 15-20, then the true number is
somewhere in the range of 1,050 to 1,400. It can be therefore by
concluded that over 1,000 ‘deep black programs’ are funded by a
‘black budget’ estimated to be in the vicinity of 1.1 trillion dollars
annually. Given that the Senate Commission reported the existence
of approximately 150 SAPs in total, it can be further concluded
that Congressional leaders and the President are not informed of
the true number of deep black programs that exist, nor of the ‘black
budget’ that funds more than 99% of these ‘deep black’ programs.
If the
‘black budget’ is what funds the Dulce underground base and the
other approximately 99% of deep black programs that are not reported
to Congress even in the perfunctory manner of ‘waived unacknowledged
SAPs’, then it is clear there are two types of deep black programs.
Those funded from the regular budget (waived unacknowledged SAPs)
that are constitutionally legal, and those funded by the ‘black
budget’ that are not part of the SAP oversight process at all, are
outside of the normal constitutional process and are technically
illegal. It can be concluded that the legal ‘deep black programs’
are merely a cover for the illegal ‘deep black programs’ that are
specifically oriented towards responding to the ET presence. These
cover programs are designed to steer Congressional and Executive
Office officials away from the truth about the ET related ‘deep
black programs’ that exist and which consume enormous resources
from the US economy.
Consequently,
approximately 15-20 (2%) of all deep black programs are legal with
a known oversight process, while approximately 750 – 1000 (98%)
are illegal and have a very different oversight process. It is possible
that the DoD and Intelligence community committees (SAPOC &
CAPOC) that have direct oversight of legal ‘deep black programs’
are aware of illegal ‘deep black programs’ but do not effectively
have oversight of these. It is likely that the main responsibility
of SAPOC & CAPOC is to ensure that legal ‘deep black programs’
and acknowledged ‘black programs’ whose details are supplied to
Congressional committees and the Executive Office, are effective
covers for the illegally funded deep black programs. Oversight of
illegal deep black programs is most likely directly exercised by
clandestine organizations embedded in the various military services,
Intelligence branches, and the National Security Council responsible
for managing ET affairs. [97] Clandestine organizations embedded within Executive
Office agencies such as the National Security Council, Federal Emergency
Management Agency, and Homeland Security, form the ‘shadow government’
responsible for coordinating military, intelligence and governmental
activities that deal with ET affairs. [98]
In conclusion,
the funding for the construction and running of joint government-ET
underground bases at Dulce and elsewhere in the US comes from ‘black
budget’ funds that are not subject to the normal oversight requirements
associated with regular DoD and intelligence community SAPs. The
US corporations awarded contracts for providing their services to
the military and intelligence agencies are unregulated, and have
been very ‘successful’ in enforcing secrecy upon their employees
– a critical factor in receiving future military contracts! Effectively
this means that clandestine organizations embedded in the military,
intelligence community and National Security agencies, have found
a way of circumventing Congressional and Executive Office oversight
and approval for the true cost and number of illegal ‘deep black
programs’.
Table
1. Summary of Funding and Oversight System for Deep Black Programs
|
Program
Classification
|
Oversight
|
Estimated
Number
|
Funding
Source
|
Estimated
Annual
Budget
|
ET
Related
|
|
‘Acknowledged’
Special
Access
Program
(SAP)
|
Congress*/SAPOC
/CAPOC/Executive
Office
|
75
|
Congress/DoD/
Intelligence
Community
|
$5
- 6 billion
|
No
|
|
Unacknowledged
SAP
- Black
|
Congress*/SAPOC
|
55-60
|
Congress/DoD/
Intelligence
Community
|
$3.5
- 4.5 billion
|
Cover
|
|
Waived
Unacknowledged
SAP
- Deep Black
|
15-20
|
Congress/DoD/
Intelligence
Community
|
$1.5
billion
|
Cover
|
|
|
Illegal
– Deep Black
|
Shadow
Government
|
1050-1400
|
Black
Budget
|
$1.1
trillion
|
Yes
|
Acronyms
SAPOC
– Special Access Program Oversight Committee, Department of Defense
CAPOC
– Controlled Access Program Oversight Committee, CAPOC
*Congress
Committees – House National
Security Committee, the Senate Armed Services Committee, and the
defense subcommittees of the House and Senate Appropriations committees.
ã Michael E. Salla, PhD. The
Dulce Report (September, 2003)
Conclusion:
Political Implications of Alleged Human Rights Abuses at Dulce
The
whistleblower testimonies examined in this report persuasively point
to the existence of the Dulce base as a former and/or current joint
US government-ET underground facility built with ‘black budget’
funds that operated/operates without Congressional and Executive
Office oversight. The testimonies further support the view that
the ‘Dulce war’ did involve armed conflict between US military forces,
Base Security Personnel, and resident ET races. While the precise
cause of the military confrontation remains unclear, it does suggest
that one or both sides were not keeping commitments specified in
an undisclosed treaty. Given whistleblower testimony that one of
these treaty commitments was ensuring that abducted civilians used
in genetic experiments undertaken at the base would be fully accounted
for, not harmed, and safely returned to civilian life, there is
cause to believe gross human rights violations may have played a
role in sparking the conflict. Similar human rights abuses may well
be occurring in other possible joint government-ET bases in the
US and other countries around the planet.
The
immediate political fall out from the ‘Dulce Wars’ and alleged ET
abuses of abducted civilians was very likely an indefinite delay
in public disclosure of the ET presence. The release of the Steven
Spielberg movie Close Encounters of the Third Kind in 1977
has been long speculated to have been part of an ‘acclimation program’
to prepare the general public for disclosure of the ET presence. [99] NASA sent a 20 page confidential letter to Spielberg
outlining what should and shouldn’t be in the movie prior to its
release suggesting an unusual degree of official interest in how
ETs and the government were depicted. [100] The 1979 ‘Dulce War’ where the clandestine authorities
in charge of ET affairs (the shadow government) ordered an attack
on ET occupied levels of a joint underground base would surely have
signaled a dramatic shift in attitudes towards the ET presence and
an indefinite hold on full public disclosure.
There
is sufficient evidence to justify further investigation into the
accuracy of claims surrounding extensive human rights abuses at
joint government-ET bases that exist(ed) at Dulce and elsewhere
in the US. The most effective means of exploring alleged human rights
abuses at Dulce would be for a prominent human rights non-government
organization such as Amnesty International or Human Rights Watch
to initiate an investigation of the claims surrounding such abuses.
These organizations have extensive experience in performing accurate
and confidential investigations in countries that have historically
conducted gross human rights, and repressed those who have stepped
forward to reveal such abuses. An investigation by a human rights
NGO could provide the opportunity for whistleblowers to step forward
and/or pass information concerning alleged human rights abuses at
Dulce. This would provide a means of preserving confidentially and
preventing criminal charges against whistleblowers for disclosing
‘classified information’. In the case of criminal charges being
brought against such whistleblowers by US federal agencies, or of
their disappearance, such individuals could become the focus of
‘emergency alerts’ that human rights organizations have pioneered
over the years to secure the release of those revealing ‘human rights’
abuses.
Another
means of exploring alleged human rights abuses at Dulce would be
for a Congressionally backed inquiry into allegations of such abuses
and the full scope of activities at these underground facilities
examined in terms of the degree to which they contributed to human
rights abuses. Comprehensive congressional immunity and protection
should be given to all government/military officials and employees
of corporations willing to step forward to give information of human
rights abuses of US citizens and other nationals in bases on US
territory or around the globe. Due to high public interest in learning
about such alleged abuses, the Congressional inquiry should be open
with full media coverage. Where genuine national security considerations
merit non-disclosure of such information, this should be put before
the Congressional Inquiry for proper consideration and appropriate
action.
The
‘shadow government’ in charge of managing ET affairs has been a
factor, either mitigating or causal, in gross human rights abuses
that occurred in secret bases under its control and/or shared with
ET races. The role of the shadow government can be investigated
and made accountable for human rights abuses through appropriate
reforms in much the same way that many former autocratic states
have had to reform their governments as a result of international
scrutiny of human rights abuses. Due to the experience of human
rights NGO’s in conducting such investigations of autocratic regimes,
this provides a highly desirable means of addressing the alleged
abuses committed under the leadership of clandestine groups embedded
in national security agencies that collectively constitute a ‘shadow
government’.
A congressionally
backed inquiry into the financial mechanisms used for funding illegal
‘deep black projects’ is also required in order to fully account
for all funds generated from the US economy, and to end the practice
of funds being used for ‘deep black programs’ that operate without
Congressional/Executive Office oversight, and even outside of the
relevant oversight committees in the DoD and intelligence communities.
The use of corporations for servicing military contracts funded
by illegal revenue received by clandestine organizations in the
US military and intelligence services needs to be ended.
In order
to deal with the full extent of the alleged human rights abuses
committed at joint government-ET bases by corporate employees/military
personnel, a ‘Truth Commission’ should be convened for government/military
officials and/or corporate employees who directly participated in
experiments and projects that involved such violations; and/or in
the suppression of such information through intimidation of witnesses
and whistleblowers. Such a Truth Commission can be modeled on the
South African example where a blanket amnesty was given to all public
officials in the Apartheid era who participated in human rights
abuses provided they fully disclose the nature of their activities,
and that these abuses were politically motivated rather than personal. [101] The granting of amnesty for officials/employees
stepping forward to admit their participation in projects that violated
the basic human rights of US citizens and foreign nationals forcibly
held in joint government-ET bases will be an important means for
discovering the full extent of what has occurred during the operation
of these bases.
In order
to begin the process of promoting Congressional and/or Human Rights
NGO action for dealing with the alleged human rights abuses committed
at Dulce, former/current public officials or corporate employees
who in their official capacities or employment have first hand knowledge
of such abuses committed at Dulce and/or any other joint Government-ET
facility are encouraged to step forward. There are a number of whistleblower
legal services available that would be able to provide legal counsel
for those interested in disclosing their activities without violating
legal/contractual obligations. [102]
The
political implications of the human rights abuses of what occurred
at the Dulce underground base require immediate attention through
credible human rights organizations investigating such allegations.
Furthermore, congressionally sponsored inquiries are required on
a number of key issues stemming from alleged abuses at Dulce: participating
in treaties with ET races without congressional ratification; ‘black
budget’ funding of illegal deep black programs that operate without
Congressional or Executive Office oversight; military hostilities
between US security agencies and ET races without the general public
or Congress being informed of the causes and justifications of such
actions; and accountability for human rights abuses committed at
Dulce and possibly other underground bases in the US and elsewhere.
Rather than what occurred at Dulce being limited solely to the US
government, it is very likely that other major world governments
have agreed to similar arrangements with ET races where the human
rights of its citizens are traded for advanced ET technology. The
full extent of what occurred at Dulce may be a watershed in human
history. It could well be the first time in recorded history that
humanity has to deal in a politically responsible way with the legacy
of human rights abuses committed by another species upon members
of the human race, and complicity by various military, intelligence
and/or corporate personnel in not taking the appropriate actions
to prevent such abuses.
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